American B-2 Stealth Bomber Fleet and a CCP-Linked Trailer Park, What Could Possibly Go Wrong?
A trailer park, a billionaire linked to Chinese Communist Party intelligence services, and a U.S. nuclear bomber facility. It would be rejected by Hollywood as too far-fetched for a movie plot, but the story is frighteningly real.
A foreign-owned trailer park in rural Missouri sits directly beside Whiteman Air Force Base, the home of America’s nuclear-capable B-2 stealth bomber fleet. The Knob Noster Trailer Park lies less than a mile from the runway, separated from the base by only a fence. Business records show the property was acquired in 2017 through a maze of shell companies ultimately controlled by a Canadian couple, Esther Mei and Cheng Hu.
The couple has documented ties to Chinese tycoon Miles Guo, also known as Guo Wengui or Ho Wan Kwok, who has described himself as a former intelligence “affiliate” of the Chinese Communist Party. Guo was convicted in July 2024 on nine federal counts, including racketeering conspiracy, wire fraud, securities fraud, and money laundering in a billion-dollar fraud scheme.
Guo Wengui rose from a poor village in Shandong to become a flamboyant Beijing real estate tycoon operating in the gray zone between business and the Chinese security state. He functioned as a “white glove,” facilitating deals and protection for powerful officials while amassing wealth through politically connected construction projects. A key relationship was with Ma Jian, the powerful head of Chinese counterintelligence in the Ministry of State Security, with whom Guo later admitted having a long-running partnership as an “affiliate” of the security services.
Ma Jian allegedly used his position to shield Guo’s businesses and crush rivals, including an episode where a vice mayor who blocked one of Guo’s projects was brought down using compromising surveillance footage, clearing the way for Guo’s development. Guo cultivated access to senior Chinese and foreign elites, hosted lavish dinners, maintained a garage full of supercars, and even acted as a cutout to meet the Dalai Lama on behalf of Chinese intelligence.
In 2015, after a high-stakes business dispute and the arrest of Ma Jian, Guo fled China, reportedly leaving just ahead of his own likely detention. He settled first in the UK and then in New York, where he purchased a $67.5 million penthouse in the Sherry-Netherland and quickly became a person of interest to U.S. authorities.
He met repeatedly with the FBI, providing detailed information on the finances and personal lives of Chinese leaders, including Xi Jinping’s family, effectively trading intelligence for protection. At the same time, he began reinventing himself as an anti-CCP dissident and built a media and political ecosystem in the United States.
In 2017, Steve Bannon needed new financial backers and found in Guo a wealthy partner who shared an aggressive stance against the Chinese Communist Party. Together they launched ventures such as GTV Media Group and promoted the “New Federal State of China,” a self-styled anti-CCP “government in exile” announced in a choreographed event on a boat in New York Harbor.
Guo’s media outlets promoted conservative content, targeting mainly Chinese expatriates and right-wing circles. He simultaneously pushed branded products, cryptocurrencies, and investment schemes that raised hundreds of millions of dollars until the SEC ruled several offerings illegal and forced large restitution, leading to GTV’s shutdown.
Despite presenting himself as a champion of Chinese freedom, Guo waged aggressive campaigns against long-established Chinese dissidents in the West, mobilizing followers to harass them at their homes and accusing them of being CCP spies using classic Communist rhetoric. At one point he publicly offered to “atone” to Beijing, asking the Chinese leadership to assign him a “clear, targeted task” to prove his patriotism and support for Xi Jinping.
Beyond Ma Jian, Guo’s patrons included Zhou Yongkang (Minister of Public Security 2002-2007, Politburo Standing Committee member, expelled from CCP in 2014 and sentenced to life in 2015), Sun Zhengcai (Politburo member, sentenced to life for bribery in 2018), and after their falls, supervision passed to Sun Lijun (vice-minister of police, convicted of corruption July 2022) and Justice Minister Fu Zenghua (arrested awaiting trial).
Observers in the U.S. national security community are divided over whether he is a genuine defector, a factional player from within the Chinese system, or a double agent whose ultimate loyalties remain unclear. Even a U.S. federal judge, faced with competing depictions of Guo as dissident or operative, concluded it was impossible on the available evidence to determine “who the true Guo is.”
National security experts warn that the ownership of land immediately adjacent to Whiteman Air Force Base creates serious espionage risks. The close proximity provides opportunities for electronic surveillance, line-of-sight monitoring, and potential access to satellite communications infrastructure critical to the B-2’s global-strike command and control systems. Analysts caution that covert equipment could be concealed in RVs, storage units, or ordinary civilian structures on the property, giving an adversary the ability to collect intelligence or disrupt operations in the event of conflict.
The Missouri trailer park is not an isolated case. Companies linked to Mei and Hu have acquired properties near other sensitive military sites, including a trailer park in Georgia close to Robins Air Force Base and Fort Benning, as well as homes in Michigan near a General Motors facility involved in defense production.
During this period, Mei served on the board of a Canadian investment firm with extensive ties to Chinese state-owned enterprises and government-controlled development zones that support China’s strategy to repurpose civilian technologies for military use.
National security officials argue that foreign land purchases near U.S. military installations require urgent scrutiny, especially when ownership traces back to networks with documented links to Chinese intelligence. The presence of such properties beside critical military infrastructure raises the risk of espionage, cyber intrusion, and electronic warfare capabilities being positioned directly alongside American strategic assets.
It is possible for federal authorities to force the divestment of land located next to a sensitive military site, but the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) is generally designed to prevent risky acquisitions rather than unwind them after the fact. Under the Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act of 2018, CFIUS can recommend divestment to the President if it determines that a completed transaction threatens national security, and the President has the authority to order the foreign owner to divest, even if the purchase was never previously reviewed.
In practice, however, enforcement becomes more complicated when a property was acquired years earlier, and while legal challenges are possible, they have rarely succeeded against presidential divestment orders. There is precedent for this type of action: President Trump ordered Chinese investors to divest from Grindr in 2020 and blocked or reversed several other Chinese acquisitions on national security grounds.
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